Lee Gavin

Presentation of Male Identities within Domestic Spaces

This project presents what is considered public space within a domestic setting. By recording and analysing how the home's physical space is used in either defining the occupant's identity or how the occupant defines their identity through its use. Participants were invited to give their thoughts about home, their home and their role in creating a home. Participants provided a narrative to the decisions around ascetics of their home and a focus on the physical, sentimental, objects displayed throughout their home. The photographs, alongside the text, invite the viewer to consider the roles participants allocate themselves and interrogate the scenes presented to them. Durranta et al. (2009) say that the curator of the home is presenting how they want to be viewed by the way the home is viewed. With the emphasis being how the male participant's present their male identity through the home, the viewer is further lead to consider, through the texts, the relationship and balance in roles between males and females across a broader societal spectrum. Goffman's (1990) theory of 'social identity' and 'actual identity' within a domestic space, raises the question; is the home an extension of the public persona? However, the aim is not to dictate and present defined examples of male identity, but rather to offer suggestions of how male identity can present itself in a range of ways within the ascetics of domestic space.

Nikon D810

Presentation of Male Identities within Domestic Spaces

Abstract

The project addresses themes of the authors own unresolved opinions of masculinity, along with the challenges of defining a version of masculinity. Alongside how far domestic space plays in presenting physical forms of identity and how far the use of objects and photographs play a part in this.

Introduction

This project presents what is considered public space within a domestic setting. By recording and analysing how the home's physical space is used in either defining the occupant's identity or how the occupant defines their identity through its use. Participants were invited to give their thoughts about home, their home and their role in creating a home. Participants provided a narrative to the decisions around ascetics of their home and a focus on the physical, sentimental, objects displayed throughout their home. The photographs, alongside the text, invite the viewer to consider the roles participants allocate themselves and interrogate the scenes presented to them. Durranta et al. (2009) say that the curator of the home is presenting how they want to be viewed by the way the home is viewed. With the emphasis being how the male participant's present their male identity through the home, the viewer is further lead to consider, through the texts, the relationship and balance in roles between males and females across a broader societal spectrum. Goffman's (1990) theory of 'social identity' and 'actual identity' within a domestic space, raises the question; is the home an extension of the public persona? However, the aim is not to dictate and present defined examples of male identity, but rather to offer suggestions of how male identity can present itself in a range of ways within the ascetics of domestic space.

Literature Review

By initially researching 'masculinity' I discovered that male mental health had been a very topical issue within the news media at present. The Movember Foundation state that three out of four suicides are men, with globally over half a million annual deaths to suicide. According to data from the Office for National Statistics, suicide remains the biggest killer in men between 15 and 35 in the UK. Within Reidy et al. 's (2014) work on 'masculine discrepancy stress and intimate partner violence,' they conclude that those who experience stress perceive they are less masculine than others.

Further, a 2018 YouGov poll found that 55% of men aged 18-24 feel as if crying makes them less masculine. Encasing this project is my consideration for this topic, being led to reflect on my notions and opinions of identity and masculinity. Societies expected notions of masculinity has never sat comfortably with me. This hegemonic masculinity as referred to by Connell and Wood (2005) is the most honoured or desired masculinity in society. Being determined by the social structure, more specifically, the economic system of a society. Even though it may not be the most common type of masculinity, it sets the standard against which the majority of all other men achievements are judged.

Figure 1

Following from this research it was considered what, if any, are the differences between individuals, specifically males, private and public lives, and how, if at all, does this manifest itself in a visual, recordable way. Goffman (1990) uses two phrases ‘social identity', which is how someone believes they should act in public due to their role or stature, and 'actual identity', which is the identity individuals imagine to have in their private life. When individuals have deviated from the socially prescribed norms, what Goffman (1990) terms, stigma is applied to that individual and marginalised from the larger group. These 'social prescribed norms' were initially something that I wanted to focus. By undertaking a piece of primary research, it attempted to understand what the perceptions of the 'norms' around masculinity were. The graph in figure 1 shows the attributes the research participants believe associate with the society expected version of masculinity. Other parts of the research, Appendix C, demonstrated the opinions on what the physical images of masculinity look like with stereotypical images of soldiers, doctors, athletes and tradespeople scoring the highest with images showing stereotypical views of mental health, nurturing, homosexuality, youth and homelessness scoring low. This research provided qualitative data, that gave opinions that re-enforced views of hegemonic masculinity.

Figure 2

Figure 3

Brickell (2013) talks about the work of Simryn Gill, photographs showing the domestic landscapes of Malaysia, in' Dalam' (2001), figure 2, and Australia in 'Inland', (2009), figure 3. These works take her audiences into the habitual lives of inhabitants exiled out of frame. This work, according to Brickell, questions the ability of domestic interiors to reflect their displaced owners. Brickell explains that Gill methodologically showcases material cultures that both endorse and fracture the notion of a unifying nation. Gill's photographic series' of domestic interiors and possessions, according to Brickell, offer the cultural geographer a lens into everyday landscapes and imminent daily practices that mark out the home as a shared yet personalised expression of collective dwelling. With Gill stating that they were explicitly influenced by a passion for home magazines and the growing middle-class penchant for 'magazine aesthetics'. When Gill was asked to consider her practice as 'fieldwork', it is written, by Brickell, that Gill's work was not about the individual's identity, but instead, the volume of interiors shot and their relationship to each other.

Figure 5

The project has drawn influence for a range of other photographic projects. Drawing both stylistically and conceptually form Bright’s work, figure 4 and 5, titled 'House Clearances'. Bright writes about her work being inspired by the unseen. It is a set of interior photographs on the subject of British House Clearances. The majority of cases the owner or tenant of the property has passed away, leaving only traces of human occupation behind. The photographs lead the viewer to find the melancholic narrative. The representation of people through objects and spaces is what draw significance to this work.

Bright states that;

"the emptiness of the rooms plays a significant role in evoking a strange liminal space, one that is in-between habitual use. Orphaned objects and discarded furniture compose themselves as melancholy still lifes, depicting a subtle tension between object and space. Indeed it is the very absence of human activity that provokes our curiosity and intrigue to the mystery of past events." (Bright, n.d.)

The project 'Pictures from the Real World' by Moore (1988), contains a combination of both portraits and still-life. This work is presenting the occupant's identity though showcasing how they live and what they surround themselves with. The two photographs shown, figure 6 and 7, concentrate on the objects at the centre focal point, but leads the viewer to consider the use of colour and decoration. The contrasting colours of the birthday cards against the dull wallpaper, and then the contrasting almost garish pattern of the children's wallpaper, which is juxtaposed by the wrestling poster. This work has more connotations with class and taste, but throughout there are overwhelming notions of identity.

Figure 6 (left) and 7 (right)

The following project, 'Something like a Nest', by Sewell (n.d.), is broader in topics, shot and presents as more of a documentary piece about life in the countryside, Sewell writes that the work explores the space between the countryside as an idea and the messier, more complex experience that is found there. The images are a combination of people, domestic spaces, rural landscapes and commercial scenes that, combine, attempt to show the overall and multilayered realities. The inspiration comes more from the domestic scenes, which are presented as enclosed landscapes, figures 8 and 9, inviting the viewer to study the scene from the internal and then beyond, the views out to the external through the window. This speaks about how the rural landscape affects the internal domestic space, they are one of the same. These themes are repeated in the objects found inside the houses, vegetables, meat and homemade products.

Figure 8

Figure 9

The combination of text and image used by Fox (2000) in her series titled 'My Mother's Cupboards and My Father's Words' is very effective at telling the two sides to this tragic story, figures 10 and 11, the harsh words of her father towards her mothers and, what the viewers assume, Fox too. Alongside images of Fox's mothers cupboards. This work has several inspirational factors, the hegemonic masculinity represented by the father's words, the mothers focus on ascetics and decoration, the neat and tidiness or this small sanctuary that only she has control and ownership.

Figure 10

Figure 11

The use of photography to compliment the written element has been a topic mentioned by Becker (2008). He writes, that visual workers find their legitimation in the response their work generates in viewers, whatever name that work goes by. Becker (2008) also believes that photography appearing in sociological work has elements integral to the investigation and therefore beneficial to a reader's sociological understanding. Arguing that photography contains, and expresses, ideas that are sociological in their origin and use, and thus may not be as transparent to an immediate reading as other photographs. This concept underpins the reasoning behind using photography as a stimulus, which can work as a piece by itself, but also work alongside and as part of the written element.

Theory

Masculinity

The theme of masculinity is something which is aimed to picked apart delicately. Doing this, so the aims for this project will not be misunderstood, and specific academic arguments around toxic masculinity do not overshadow. To do this, what the term masculinity means, must first be looked at and then, what is ultimately aimed to be investigated, male identity. Initially, looking at the biological, and as Butler (1990) states, gender as an identity is clear from a biological point of view, it is not something that slowly emerges over time. However, de Beauvoir (2015) argues that gender is grown into with the development of a society. The culture, education and life determine the gender role that is played.

As previously stated, Connell and Wood (2005) define hegemonic masculinity as being the most desired masculinity in society. In this, attributes that make someone masculine, or not, is determined by the social structure. They go onto further say that whilst it may not be the most common type of masculinity, it is used to set the point of reference against which the achievements of the majority of all other men are judged. This point is expanded on by Buchbinder's (1995) argument that gender is something that is learnt or constructed, further arguing that within the subject of gender theory, there is the idea of constructivism. This argument being how history, culture and society are contributing factors in how gender is learnt or constructed. Connell (2000), also states that masculinities are not merely individuals, but institutional and organisational constructs.

An example Connell (2000) uses to demonstrate hegemonic masculinity is by using business trade magazines. These publications link to that of multinational corporations, which have almost all executives that are men. As such, the view of dependent wives running around the home with the children emerges. Taking into consideration what Connell (2000) also says around the dress of political leaders, being that of the western business executive, the themes of both the male gender and power become present. Connell (2000) explains that masculinity is that of conquest and settlement, the image of the soldiers or the trader is male. The frontier masculinity, combined with the occupational culture of these groups link to violence and egocentric individualism. The historic sexual exploitation of indigenous woman which again connect to the notion of conquest. These traits are what Connell (2000) give to that of the hegemonic male, the subordination over woman and dominance over men. As a further example of this, within current western dating culture, Currier (2013), as mentioned by Hess & Flores (2016), describe that men experience both subtle and overt pressure from other men to achieve and maintain a socially acceptable level of 'masculine' behaviour. They are doing this, according to Currier (2013), by heterosexist performative displays often conforming to dominant stereotypes about men's sexual prowess, of being on the 'hunt' and seeing sex as a competitive. Which, according to Bird (1996), may encourage some men to engage in deliberate misogynistic behaviours when seeking dates with women. This behaviour can be encased in the phrase; 'toxic masculinity'. However, Buchbinder (1995), positions that not all men's experiences are the same, and they do not think the same, which is a position that is aimed to align this work with, as such an aim is to demonstrate, in some way, through the elements of the work.

The aim of the project in seeking to show how multiple masculinities could physical be presented, was influenced by the concept argued by Hopkins & Noble's (2009). They say that there is tension between conceptualisations of hegemonic masculinity as the dominant and valued images of masculinity and conceptualisations that focus on the masculinity of the powerful, being was conscious to avoid presenting the 'stereotypical' view of masculinity. This further links to Whitehead (2002), suggested by Hopkins & Noble (2009), saying that there is confusion between what and who represents hegemonic masculinity, as such the aim is not to present a defining representation, as of a lack of authority to do so. Labelling a person within a photograph to be something specific leads to an ethical dilemma, and as Moller (2007) argues that, despite its intention of mapping the plurality of the relations between masculinities and power, Connell's exhaustive conceptual system tends to reduce the complexity and nuances of what men actually do. At its most reductive, the system implies a typological structure of masculinities which are identified by a series of traits or attributes. According to Hopkins & Noble (2009), this is a criticism that Connell accepts there are some grounds for.

The positions Johansson & Ottemo (2015), take is that of a need to redefine and re-articulate the current hegemony, arguing that attempts to address this lead to discussions often ending up in an analysis of how to fix or uphold the current version of hegemony. This argument is not what is aimed to be achieved; the aim to show a multifaceted version of, not masculinity, as the connotations with this term, as seen above, are focused on the potential negative attributes and the repression of others, but of male identity, which means looking at the physical and metaphysical manifestations of how someone who is biologically gendered male, present their identity within the setting of a domestic space. Further seeking to question, how does, if at all, male identity present itself and what roles do particular males play in these same domestic spaces. This project is not meant as a way to define masculinity but as a presentation of examples of male identities in an implicit method. It is Bucbinder's (1995) belief that it is not easy to define heterosexual men as masculine. Further suggesting that 'new age' man is different to 'old age' man, as they are gentler and less aggressive, more in harmony with the earth and nature, more amenable to alternative ways of thinking, in touch with feelings, willing to be vulnerable. Opposite to the hegemonic cultural view of masculinity. This is something that is considered in the formation of the final conclusion.

The idea of defining identity is problematic, and as Crane (2000) suggests, social classes in the 19th and early 20th Century affected how a man's identity was perceived, but also how they perceived themselves. After the 1960s, people were less constrained by their past occupational identities. Since then, Crane continues, the way in which a person can create their self-identity has been more fluid. Mead (1960) believes that the 'self' comes from social interactions and that these social interactions are drawn from a set of norms. Hall & Du Gay (1996) somewhat support this belief; they state that identification is constructed on the back of a recognition of some common origin or shared characteristics with another person or group, or an idea, and with the natural closure of solidarity and elegance established on this foundation. By interviewing participants, the aim is to discover, through analysis, what are these common or shared characteristics.

According to Crane (2000), the western public have now become good at reading cultures and as such culture has become complex. Those considered in the margins, either by race, sexuality or ethnicity, use style as a way to express their identity and their resistances to the dominant culture. The participants, all white and heterosexual, are not those that would be considered on the fringes of society. The decision to work with one group of people is in order to test these concepts. Considering this concept, suggested by Crane (2000), it is anticipated that patterns in opinions, actions or physical manifestation in acetic choices will emerge. However, Hall (1996) believes that modern identity is no longer fixed because it stems from increased awareness and incidences of mixed ancestry, so no one is seen as self-defining. There is an increased awareness of and identification with differing traditions, values and beliefs. Which result in a self- built "life story" that is no longer felt to be determined by class, race, or gender. Taking Halls concept would lead to perceive the opposite, and in fact, there should be little to no commonality between the participants, but fluidity. Hall & Du Gay (1996) further state that the construction of identity is but a process never completed, that it is a process of articulation, a suturing, an over-determination, not a subsumption. Identity is further explained, by Hall & Du Gay (1996), as an expression of an emotional tie with another person. As such, identities are never unified and in, late modern times, increasingly fragmented and fractured, never singular but multiply constructed across different, often intersecting and antagonistic, discourses, practices and positions, resulting in always being in the process of change and transformation. The aim within the photographic element of this project will be to examine how males present themselves and to compare and analyse the resulting interview and photographs.

The Home

At various levels, according to Gorman-Murray (2008), home is imagined as a feminine site, saying that women's identities and women's interests are bound up with the idea of, and the literal form of, the home. Also saying that the husband is still seen as breadwinner and the wife is positioned as the 'homemaker'. It is argued by Brickell (2012) that the home is a powerful location for, and arbiter of, life course transitions that are both dynamic and flow across time. She suggests that there has been 'valiant moves' to map the domestic as a significant site of life events as well as everyday practices. Further suggesting that the home was once cast as a uniform space of safety and familiarity, yet now the home is established as a far more problematic entity.

Considering the domestic space, the home and the role gender play within it, gendered history must be looked at. Matrix (1984), in Hasell et al. (1993), gives an example that Victorian townhouses reflected the internal hierarchy of the bourgeois family. The public 'masculine' parlour was located at the front of the house while the private 'feminine' kitchen was situated at the rear. Rezeanu (2015) also explains that in nineteenth-century England, in home decoration manuals, there was a definite distinction among gendered spaces. Hamlett, (2009), in Rezeanu (2015), describes the parlour, the reception room, and the morning room was considered feminine, identified by many decorations in light colours; while the dining room, the smoking room, the billiard room, the library and the studio were all masculine spaces, identified by expensive, solid and dark furniture. Meah (2014), in Hassell et al. (1993) state that in the global north, women's association with domestic space and domestic work is still present in contemporary society. The kitchen is still an important arena where gender inequalities are reaffirmed. Connell (2000) states that the division of tasks within the home by gender re-enforces the idea of the woman's and man's place.

It is suggested by Jackson and Moores (1995) and Wilk, (1989), in Hurdley (2006), that the home is a site for consumption practices and this, in turn, establishes both social and economic relations. When looking at the division of the home in 'public' and 'private', Hurley (2006) puts forward the notion that domestic settings can be a domain of cultural anxiety, with the parts of the home visible to outsiders are open to potential judgment by visitors, and as such homes become a setting for the enactment of the self, where the 'otherness' of visitors must be managed. This suggestion results in how the management of, what Hurley (2006) calls a domestic display, has been conceptualised both as performance for others and a marking practice contributing to negotiations of identity within a network of relations. Dittmar (1992), in Hurley (2006), concludes that therefore, interactions between people, their homes and material culture suggest that there is an active meaning-making process in which all three play a role.

Both Csikszentmihalyi and Rochberg-Halton (1981) and Woodward (2001), according to Hurley (2006), all summarise that biographies of things are essential in the construction of individual and family autobiographies. In particular Riggins' (1990,1994), again according to Hurley (2006), useful insights into an ethnographic study of the domestic living room was to approach the analysis, 'mapping' and 'referencing' to render objects meaningful both in personal autobiography and within the realm of public cultural values. Which, according to Hurley (2006), is one way of making sense of domestic space and material culture. Hurley (2006), goes onto further explain a research method; within an interview situation, the interviewer can ask about objects that might not be noticed by the casual visitor, family member or house guest. Different objects are given physical prominence, and the participants can provide the associated context and stories that can be constructed around them. This is influential to the process that is to be pursued.

According to Morrison (2013), when carrying out gender research in the domestic space, the display of gender differences is seen through gendered objects, spaces, and practices. Morrison (2013) shows that, for heterosexual couples, gender differences are identified in the domestic space through seeing: separate bathrooms, separate cabinets or drawers where each retains various personal possessions, and other gendered objects displayed in the house. As such, the decision was made to mainly focus on a contemporary shared public space, the living room. Rezeanu (2015), suggests that women are partaking in gender norms by displaying in their home couple photos such as wedding photos and the best moments of their relationship. By displaying particular objects inside the house is strongly influenced by doing conventional sexual orientation, by complying with heteronormativity. These institutionalised instruments act as a resource for displaying gender through the physical features of social setting. As such, within this work, the undertaking is to examine whether there was evidence of such behaviours from female participants and whether male participants reflected in either these behaviours or actions.

Taste

If our identity is not fixed, as believed by Hall (2006), as ours and others backgrounds influence us, on what do we base our decision? Marcuse (1955) would argue that this is dictated to us by others, but then who are these others and what and how do they decide what are the norms, as theorised by Gramsci (1992). Then, when the persons decide it is outside of the norms, according to Goffman (1990), what and how are they treated by themselves and by others? Bourdieu (2000) suggests that taste is never 'natural'; saying that it is always socially produced. What we call good taste is only that which is preferred by the dominant. Whereas Kant (1951) defines taste as "the faculty of judging of the beautiful" and further separates judgment into interested and disinterested forms. Bourdieu's (2000) concept of 'habitus', being the collection of values and opinions drawn together to be the defining features of a group can be considered when thinking about the social norms associated with domestic ascetic choices.

Figure 12

Methodology

Something that has bee discovered from previous projects is that reflecting on myself and the issues, concerns or questions I have, are the better subjects on which to base my work. I have found there has been reoccurring themes through my work; memory, family, home and identity. The catalyst for this project took place in the summer of 2017. I visited my parents on the South Coast, in a town called Fareham, which is about 8 miles East of Portsmouth. It is not often I visit home or my family, but I find that when I do return home, the physical changes in places and people are very recognisable. On one occasion, when my parents were out, I set around their home and photographed objects and views that on one hand reminded me of my youth, looking through the bannister rails into my parents bedroom, figure 11, and on the other hand, reminded me of my parents mortality, a walking stick, figure 12, some tablets, figure 13. In the lecture, part of the Urban Photographers series, given by Rosie Martin (2019) she stated that the process of re-capturing these images is a way to re-live the processes and address the pains. The photographs I shot in 2017 were steps to confront the notion of my parents eventual, future deaths. As Perloff (2002) explains, photographs are taken when the person is alive, and the process of cataloguing life highlights the inevitability of life and death.

Figure 13

Figure 14

I produced a project in 2018 titled; 'The Making and Negotiation of Class and Identity', figure 16 and 16. This project aimed to present an implicit view of the participant's identity. The viewer was invited to engage with each photograph and come to their own opinion about the subject's life, class position within society and identity, which in turn would lead the viewer to question their notion of bias in formulating their opinions. Gay and Hall (1996) have theorised that identity is no longer fixed, being linked to the rise in global interconnections, which in turn disrupts the traditional sense of identities and as such, classes can no longer be defined in hard definitive terms. People are now able to choose, or as Bourdieu (2000) suggests, create and define themselves by their own classifications.

Figure 15 (left) and 16 (right)

Another method adopted when approaching the photographic elements is that of a Crime Scene Investigator (CSI's). The method in which CSI's record some scenes is to walk through a house, starting from the front door and travelling through to every room, photographing and recording each view, sometimes focusing on objects and smaller details, for seemingly unknown reasons. Only upon reading the whole narrative and 'discovering' a crime, can context be given to the focused upon objects. Gouse et al. (2018) explain that when shooting the scene, the photographer should capture the entire scene using wide-angle shots followed by close-up shots to visualise the full scene to show the relationship of the evidence to the overall scene, with photography playing a beneficial role in reconstructing the events which took place.

Alongside photographing each participant, they were also interviewed with a series of open questions, Appendix B. This questioning was for two reasons, to inform the theoretical discussion and to influence the practical photography. Some questions were designed to challenge participants choices, often allowing them to verbalise their unconscious decisions for the first time and also to consider where these choices come. The aim was to identify elements of physical representations of identity that participants associated with, even to attempt to clarify the role participants saw them self playing. Questions also lead and informed me to areas and objects to focus on when photographing; this also influenced what photographs were used in the final presentation. Using a narrative approach, as Mills (1959) demonstrates, in Hurley (2006), how a micro-study of the home can illuminate the intersection of the personal and the social, the focus of sociological study. By asking the participants to narrate stories about the objects and their reasons as to why they have included them as objects on display in their homes, the participants can account for identities that otherwise might not be immediately present or presentable. With one participant articulating just this; "These things are for us really, they only mean something to us". Overall twelve males, and ten females were interviewed, this amounted to ten couples and two single males. Within the final collection, there are only ten houses shown, eight from couples and two single males. The two houses that were not shown were due to technical inconsistencies in the photographs; the interviews responses were still used as part of the findings as they provided comparable and informative information that was consistent with the other interviews.

Marcuse (1955) states that culture is the social norm; it defines it. Previously subversive forms of culture are integrated and appropriated by the media, as such they media's message are abused People and accepting of these messages as societal rules, and take these values as their own, mass culture effectively quashes rebellion and represses. Marcuse further says that the government influences peoples working and leisure time. It does this by creating false needs and manipulates through those needs. Media messages through advertisement affect the drive to satisfy these needs through objects and pastimes. With this in mind, it was decided to present the body of work in the style of a brochure or magazine. With this choice echoing Marcuse's argument by leading the viewer to browse the homes of others as if shopping for a lifestyle or identity of their own.

Findings

The aim of this project was to examine how male identity presents itself and by comparing and analysing the resulting interview and photographs. Goffman's (1990) theory of 'social identity' and 'actual identity' is challenging to address, by focusing on the public areas of the home it has not entirely been possible to determine if the identity being displayed is that of the actual or a continuation of the social. However, it can be determined that an element of identity is being presented. All participants agreed that the living room was a space for socialising and space where the occupants would feel comfortable for external people to be. Some participants extended this idea to that of the kitchen. Although this seemed to link to the actual design and layout of the house.

The inclusion of the two single participants attempted to establish comparisons for the viewer. How has the single male presented their home and how does this then compare to that of those in relationships? Figures 17 and 18 show the sparseness and almost show home look in contrast to the almost cluttered and filled spaces of the other participant's houses, figure 19. In the photographs of the participants in relationships, there are many objects and a more lived-in look to the spaces.

Figure 17

Figure 18

Figure 19

As previously stated, Crane's (2000) theory that those on the fringes use style as a way to express their identity. Almost all male participants articulated either their unwillingness, lack of interest or lack of ability, in taking ownership of the ascetic appearance of their home. The quotes in the table, figure 20, are all said form the male participants in answer to questions around ascetics, decoration, and the role is it within their home. This is reiterated in the text in figure 21,”If he had bought the cubes they would have been the same colour”. However, males within relationships accepted and appreciated the lead role the female took on creating the 'homely feel'. All couples mentioned and agreed on the joint teams they formed, with all couples explaining their roles within this team in the same way. The female is the researcher, planner and

“She would be the main instigator, unless it was electrical”
“I wouldn’t consider the need to change anything, unless it was electrical”
“I would only consider chasing something if it where broken”
“I wouldn’t have thought about it and would have to be pushed”
“I doesn’t have a ‘eye’ for that kind of stuff”
“Colour and decorating is something that I am not conformable with”
“Colour and design doesn’t engage me”
“The smaller details don’t interest me”
“Men and woman’s mindset different, to me the little things don’t make a home, but for her the smaller bits, make it a home”
“She will buy some smaller things that ‘add’ to the house”
“I wouldn’t buy smaller, decorative, things for the house”
“I don’t really pay attention to smaller things, they are just there”
“I don’t understand the ‘homey things’”
“I don’t worry about decorations, I left old house as how it looked when it was converted”
“I am aware of the decorative things but not that bothered by it”
“Not the interested in it”

Figure 20

Figure 21

instigator. Who then presents their plan to the male, for approval to proceed. This approval was stressed by many as not being patriarchal, but rather seeking affirmation in the choices of colour or pattern or object or construction aligns with both the male and female opinions of taste. Almost all male participants explained that most of the time they would agree with their partner, however most male’s gave examples of having to disagree with plans that were unrealistic or untenable. There was almost a hint of submission form the males who explained that their partner either knew the things they liked, or they had ultimate trust in their partner. These answers show the male’s self belief of not being interested, lacking the skills or not understanding. In regards to the roles males identified with It was said by all the male participants was the 'lifting and shifting', 'doing the heavy stuff', 'putting stuff together', 'funding it'. This idea is something that Maller et al. (2012), in Rezeanu (2015), also touch on, they state that during house renovation, even if there is not a clear division of tasks between men and women, men enjoy more to act as experts, taking the technology-related tasks and do-it-yourself ones. This idea begins to align with the characteristics of hegemonic masculinity embody, yet this contradicts the embodied actions in the roles acted within the relationship.

Figure 22

The participants were asked to identify and explain what sentimental things they have on display. The common answer given was to ‘showcase memories’, ‘remember good times’ and ‘show close people’. Many of the participants provided narratives about particular objects. Figure 22 shows how participants attempt to justify the construction of their identities through objects, by invoking absent times, places and people. The male explaining that the objects were for others to look at, for that couple to show off. It was interesting that the male came to this conclusion despite with the female disagreeing.

As Bernstein's (1975) suggests, spatial arrangement and object placement comprise a language of rules and codes about the use of space. The strength or weakness of these rules and codes influences the behaviour of people as well as their interactions with one another. Further stating that, the classification of space in terms of strong or weak boundaries helps to structure the relationships that are possible in space and how the objects are put together tells us something about these relationships. Although the male participants said they were interested in the sentimental objects, they still all showed an unwillingness to take ownership of this task, leaving it to the females to populate the home with these objects. This could be due to the males not knowing the aforementioned rules and codes, and not being comfortable in this act, a phrase multiple male participants articulated. The single males did have a small number of family photographs on display but referred to it almost being expected of them to have these images on display. This discovery supports Rezeanu's (2015) suggestions that women partake in gender norms by displaying and taking ownership of their home couple photos such as wedding photos and the best moments of their relationship.

Figure 23

Discussion

As previous stated, Marcuse (1955) argues that media messages through advertisement affect the drive to satisfy these needs through objects and pastimes. With this in mind, it was decided to present the body of work in the style of a brochure or magazine, with text formatted in the

same style. The text added to the voice of the participants, complimenting the photographs, allowing the viewer to know some of the choices made in creating the home and by whom, as seen in figure 23. Within this scene, the bookshelf is a shared space and shows which gender is responsible for what section. Some of the identifying details were removed alongside the text written in the third person was to anonymise the participants, leading the viewers to construct their own meanings. The titles to each section, for example in figure 24, lead the viewer to consider the length and type of relationship in comparison to the period and type of occupancy as a way to measure the home and participants development. In other photographs, the text

Figure 24

works to lead the viewer in contemplating what elements each person engaged with and how far as seen in figure 25. The narrate of the sentimental objects is not included, this is done, so the viewer has to discover the objects and then attempt to unpick them using their personal history and experiences. As an example, when discussed the room seen in figure 26, the importance of books in the early stages of the relationship was a reason why they hold a spot in the room. Also the framed picture seen to the right of the frame shows the whole families as Lego figures, commenting on the importance of playing with their children and again a shared love. By using the texts to emphasise roles, decisions and preferences through the body of work, it was in order to position the viewer to consider these elements when formulating their opinions of what objects are ‘owned' or belong to whom, as an example see in figure 27, which comments on the males importance on the TV, but not mentioning the other objects present.

Figure 25

Figure 26

Figure 27

Conclusion

It is suggested by Brickell (2012) that while the emphasis of action-oriented research tends to lean towards the making public of domestic injustices, with a view for the instigator being able to do something about them. Brickell continues by saying, it could be seen to rest, in part, on the personal attempts made by the instigator, to enact or reflect upon a change in the positionality of their own intimate lives.

Du Gay and Hall's (2006) concept of identities being that they are never unified, fragmented, fractured and never singular but multiple constructs across different discourses, practices and positions. In this case, the analysis suggests that the individual male identity is lacking when considering physical manifestation. That is, the female’s hold the ascetic awareness and details in a higher regard than their male counterparts. It is much clearer to see the female identity within the scenes photographed, and perhaps the female desire to present their individual or collective identity overpowers that of the male. Hasell et al. (1993) reported that men are most influenced by the fixed features of space, which the participants alluded to, while the woman said being more influenced by the semi-fixed features, was, again, alluded to by both groups. This idea also supports Hayward's (1977) thesis that men consider houses as physical structure while woman sees the home more in terms of 'self-identity' and 'relationships'. Within the photographs and texts it is clearer to see the female interest manifesting, rather than the male’s. However through this, it is possible this this indeed does show a form of common male identity, with their focus not being on the decorative and ascetic. This somewhat mild alignment with the characteristics of hegemonic masculinity alongside that of the softer characteristics pose further questions. Which emerge from Gorman-Murray’s (2008), argument that there is no homogeneous masculinity, but rather a more extensive range of masculine identities that are hierarchically structured around hegemonic understandings. Considering this as well as the further argument by Gorman-Murray (2008), that the private space of the home enables men to negotiate alternative masculinities, where they could be expressive, emotive and engage in domestic labour. A more expansive and in-depth view of the other spaces within the domestic space, both public and private alongside that of the roles both male and female undertake either singularly or in partnership could go further to answer how male identity is presented within the home.

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Appendix A - Figures
Figure 1 - Results form the question, which of the following attributes contribute to society’s expected version of masculinity?

Figure 2 - Gill, S. (2011). Dalam. [Photograph].

Figure 3 - Gill, S. (2009). Inland. [Photograph].

Figure 4 - Blight, L. (n.d.) House Clearances. [Photograph].

Figure 5 - Blight, L. (n.d.) House Clearances. [Photograph].

Figure 6 - Moore, D. (1988) Pictures from the Real World. [Photograph].

Figure 7 - Moore, D. (1988) Pictures from the Real World. [Photograph].

Figure 8 - Sewell, A. (n.d.) Something like a Nest. [Photograph].

Figure 9 - Sewell, A. (n.d.) Something like a Nest. [Photograph].

Figure 10 - Fox, A. (2000) My Mother’s Cupboards. [Photograph and Text].

Figure 11 - Fox, A. (2000) My Mother’s Cupboards. [Photograph and Text].

Figure 12 - Gavin, L. (2017). Memory. [Photograph].

Figure 13 - Gavin, L. (2017). Memory. [Photograph].

Figure 14- Gavin, L. (2017). Memory. [Photograph].

Figure 15 - Gavin, L. (2018). The Making and Negotiation of Class and Identity. [Photograph].

Figure 16 - Gavin, L. (2018). The Making and Negotiation of Class and Identity. [Photograph].

Figure 17 - Gavin, L. (2019). Presentation of Male Identities within Domestic Spaces. pp. 4-5. [Photograph].

Figure 18 - Gavin, L. (2019). Presentation of Male Identities within Domestic Spaces. p. 43 [Photograph]. Figure 19 - Gavin, L. (2019). Presentation of Male Identities within Domestic Spaces. pp. 20-21. [Photograph].

Figure 20 - Summary of interview responses.

Figure 21 - Gavin, L. (2019). Presentation of Male Identities within Domestic Spaces. pp. 32-33. [Photograph].

Figure 22 - Gavin, L. (2019). Presentation of Male Identities within Domestic Spaces. pp. 54-55. [Photograph].

Figure 23 - Gavin, L. (2019). Presentation of Male Identities within Domestic Spaces. pp. 60-61. [Photograph].

Figure 24 - Gavin, L. (2019). Presentation of Male Identities within Domestic Spaces. p. 103. [Text].

Figure 25 -Gavin, L. (2019). Presentation of Male Identities within Domestic Spaces. p. 79. [Photograph].

Figure 26 - Gavin, L. (2019). Presentation of Male Identities within Domestic Spaces. p. 24. [Photograph].

Figure 27 - Gavin, L. (2019). Presentation of Male Identities within Domestic Spaces. pp. 51-51. [Photograph].

Appendix B - Interview Questions

What are your notions of home?

What are the physical things that make up home?

What are the things that make up your home?

What role did you play in creating the home?

What is your role, as a male, in creating the home’s ascetics?

As a couple, how do your roles work together or not work together? Do you agree on all choices?

Are there any sentimental things within you home on display? Why do you have these on display?
Are there spaces in your home that are more public than private?

Appendix C - Survey Question and Results

Question: Please rate the following images in how masculine you see each one being. 1 being least and 5 being the most.